Message 18 January 2015
对瑞典舆论对孔院的质疑，中国一名欧洲问题专家对新浪说，瑞典学者在意识形态上对中国抱有一种偏见，对于孔院建立的目的也无端怀疑。
对瑞典舆论对孔院的质疑，中国一名欧洲问题专家对新浪说，瑞典学者在意识形态上对中国抱有一种偏见，对于孔院建立的目的也无端怀疑。
这位专家强调，中国作为一个迅速崛起的国家，在最近二三十年间发展迅速，是一股不能忽视的力量，瑞方应该积极欢迎两国之间文化的交流和传播。
The Confucian
Institutes, however, are political organizations wrapping their activities
within the legitimacy of universities as public, apolitical institutions. Refer to as -" Beijing’s
efforts to mobilize friends and isolate enemies. "
In the short time-frame of their rapid expansion, the Institutes have
been the subject of much controversy. Criticisms of the Institutes have
included practical concerns about finance, academic viability, legal issues, and
relations with the Chinese partner university, as well as ideological concerns
about improper influence over teaching and research, industrial and military
espionage,[6][26] surveillance of Chinese abroad,
and undermining Taiwanese influence.
Defenders of the Confucian
Institutes compare them to the Goethe Institute, the British Council, and the
Alliance Française. Without touching the thorny issue of moral
equivalence, in a different context than their Western counterparts. The
Western institutes are political organizations operating in a political context
outside university walls, allowed in only when universities find their
activities appropriate. The Confucian Institutes, however, are political
organizations wrapping their activities within the legitimacy of universities
as public, apolitical institutions.
http://thediplomat.com/2012/08/reexamining-the-confucian-institutes/
http://thediplomat.com/2012/08/reexamining-the-confucian-institutes/
In the
short time-frame of their rapid expansion, the Institutes have been the subject
of much controversy. Criticisms of the Institutes have included practical
concerns about finance, academic viability, legal issues, and relations with the
Chinese partner university, as well as ideological concerns about improper
influence over teaching and research, industrial and military espionage,[6][26] surveillance of Chinese abroad, and
undermining Taiwanese influence.[54] There has also been organized
opposition to the establishment of a Confucius Institute at University of
Melbourne,[55] University of Manitoba,[56] Stockholm University,[57][58] University of Chicago[59] and many others.
More
significantly, some universities that hosted Confucius Institutes decided to
terminate their contracts. These include Japan's Osaka Sangyo
University in 2010;[60] Canada's McMaster University
and Université de
Sherbrooke,[61][62] and France's University of Lyon
in 2013;[63] and the University of Chicago,
Pennsylvania
State University, and the Toronto District
School Board in 2014.[64][65][66]
儒家思想在中国古代长期得势，而西方民主思想在现代得势，所以它们的本质或它们的历史功能必然是相同的，那就是它们都能够在它们所在的时代指导或 控制有关国家的政权，通过调整社会内在的阶级结构关系，去正确有效地适应社会外在的自然和国际大环境。
到了现代，西方民主思想比古代中国的儒家思想的水平有了划时代的提高，因为它已经不是主要依靠执政的知识阶级集团的“自觉革命”，来保证社会阶级的等强度制衡，而是反过来，主要依靠全社会阶级 等强度制衡，来确保知识阶级执政集团的“自觉革命”，从而确保政权不变质和确保社会远离“阶级相互残杀和政权暴力更替”的灾变。
中国儒家思想和西方民主思想的差异也不是什么主张民主还是主张集权（因为事实上在人类历史上任何指导政权的思想都是民主和集权对立统一的思想），而是中国儒家思想和西方民主思想运用政权调整社会内在阶级制衡关系的方式有历史的差别罢了。
中国儒家思想与西方世界柏拉图的《理想国》, 和马基雅维里的《君王论》的治国思想𣎴同。也因为如此中华民族在古代儒家思想统领下，历经种种天灾人祸，久而久之成为世界第一人口的大民族，而与中华民 族文明历史时间同样早的任何西方民族，在古代都没有出现中华民族那种长期持久的辉煌景象。
现代中国人依然较顺从权威，尊重长辈，重视个人的身份，强调安分守己。相比之下，早在17 世纪，英国的资产阶级就推翻了封建统治建立了资本主义社会，工业革命大幅度提高了人们的物质生活水平，还彻底解放了人们的思想。资本主义的民主思想也逐渐 遍及整个西方社会。西方人崇尚个体，向往 自由平等。这种历史环境的不同使中西方的个体意识产生了很大的差异。
希臘新政府與國際債權人重新談判紓困條件的過程，將既耗時、又艱辛，但希臘面臨短期資金缺口，包括3月須償還國際貨幣基金45億歐元貸款，夏季又共須償還 65.4億歐元公債，因此新政府必須讓步，才能得到最後一筆72億歐元貸款，
事實上，政客從來都是「屁股指揮腦袋」，希債危機會否再爆，更關鍵是希臘人民是否知機續忍痛撙節，還是「寧為玉碎」迫政府和歐盟硬碰，迫得歐盟大力掌摑回應。
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